Cityscapes

Country in Crisis/Seed of Revolution

Sarita lost her husband eight years ago. while he had been politically active, out late many nights at meetings and marches, she had preferred to stay home with her children. After his death, Sarita sold the couple?s small business and found herself helping to raise her five grandchildren. In the over twenty years that Sarita and her family have lived in Caballito, a lively, unassuming middle-class neighborhood in the heart of Buenos Aires, it has undergone countless transformations. Recently, in times of economic downturn, this has meant primarily deterioration, closed businesses and increased unemployment. As her family?s economic situation steadily declined with Argentina?s suffering economy, Sarita clung to her domestic routine and rarely left the false security of her home. After years of stagnancy, she saw no possibility for change.
Stella Maris came from a family of Italian immigrants whose golden rule, ?no politics, no religion? was strictly enforced, and then reinforced by the violence and repression of the 1976 to 1983 reign of a military government. Combined with neo-liberal economic practices, these political lessons created a culture of individualism. Stella Maris, like many others, confined her civic participation to voting in mandatory elections.

Then, on December 19th and 20th, 2001, the Argentine public came to a collective decision that it could not wait any longer: the severe economic recession and extreme political corruption had to be stopped. Among the tens of thousands of enraged citizens who took to the streets to demand immediate government reforms was Stella Maris, who, at 47, was experiencing for the first time the unparalleled sensation of being part of a popular mass movement for a common political goal.

Sarita, Stella Maris and a sizable group of neighbors, many of whom had lived next door to each other for years as strangers, found themselves gathered around the statue of Cid Campeador at a busy intersection in Caballito. There they began to share and discuss common problems, debate ideas, and listen to each other for the first time. This randomly assembled mélange of women, men, and children of all ages, backgrounds, and experiences soon realized that together, as an organized whole, they formed a powerful force that could reclaim the centrality of the ?pueblo argentino? in determining their devastated nation?s future.

They participated in ?cacerolazos,? (banging of pots and pans in the streets) that spontaneously erupted throughout Argentina to protest President Fernando De la Rua?s declaration of a ?state of siege,? an emergency decree that effectively revoked civil liberties. This authoritarian act evoked frightening memories of the repressive military dictatorship under which such undemocratic practices were the norm. But this time, thousands of people, who for years had been stuck in their homes, disenchanted, disaffected or uninterested in politics, responded; they found their political voice and converged on public areas to express their growing anger, fear, frustration and desolation. In plazas, on street corners and in every open space, people gathered by the hundreds and thousands and discovered that they were not alone in their desperation and desire for change. On December 20th, the multitudes came together in the Plaza de Mayo, the historic site of popular struggle in Argentina, where they successfully demanded De la Rua?s resignation.

These spontaneous public mobilizations sparked the development of hundreds of ?neighborhood assemblies? across the country, especially in the capital city. In the weeks and months following the events of December 19th and 20th, neighbors began congregating weekly in their respective ?barrios? to construct alternatives and devise solutions to a corrupt political system, a dysfunctional economy, and a severely fragmented society devoid of faith in the possibility of change.The past twelve months have been a period of tremendous growth and change for the assembly movement. While each assembly maintains an independent identity and neighborhood focus, collectively they participate in a larger political effort to achieve the common goal, ?que se vayan todos, que no se quede ni uno solo,? (that every one of them [the politicians] goes, not even one stays), a motto that emerged from the original mobilizations on December 19th and 20th.

After the initial encounters in the streets, neighbors began to see their own potential as a powerful tool for both social and political transformation. As a temporary response to the urgent needs of the thousands of men, women, and children in their neighborhoods who live in the streets or struggle to make ends meet, many assemblies have started ?comedores? (soup kitchens) and ?merenderos? (afternoon snacks). These activities have been facilitated by some assemblies? decision to ?recuperate? abandoned buildings in their neighborhoods and convert the dilapidated spaces into community centers. In the case of the ?Assembly of Cid Campeador,? where Sarita and Stella Maris are active participants, a former bank that had been unoccupied for over five years is now filled twenty four hours a day with neighbors participating in social activities such as tango classes, yoga, political meetings, and taking turns spending the night ?on duty? guarding the site. With every triumph comes a new challenge, and these ?takeovers,? while serving to attract more ?asambleistas? (participants in the assembly) and achieve concrete changes in the social and political structures of Argentina, have in some cases resulted in complicated legal battles and have generated internal problems of a different sort as well.

Neighborhood assemblies were formed with a decidedly political purpose in response to a severe political and economic crisis that had been brewing in Argentina for many years, and identify themselves primarily as a political space for debate and social reconstruction. However, in the absence of state-provided assistance for citizens? basic needs, the assemblies have created temporary alternatives to repair the wounded spirit of the ?pueblo argentino? through solidarity efforts. Asambleistas make clear their opposition to assistentialism of any sort and instead work with unemployed and marginalized citizens to develop long-term solutions to problems of structural unemployment, inadequate medical care, insufficient retirement benefits and other issues linked to flawed government policies. The construction of a large-scale popular movement is an arduous process, and long term goals are currently being eclipsed by immediate obstacles to coordinating united efforts among the assemblies. Resolving slight differences of opinion on questions of strategy and organization, a common growing pain in emerging political movements, has slowed down this process. Meanwhile, through cultural events, political debates and other outreach efforts, assemblies continue to work on a daily basis to extend solidarity networks and encourage the participation of neighbors who have not yet gotten on board.

For Sarita, the assembly has opened a new world of ideas and relationships, and has become an invaluable refuge from the often suffocating responsibilities of home. This nascent revolution restored her belief that even after 20 years of deterioration, change is possible and can be achieved through political participation. In the case of Stella Maris, she has not left the street since her first day of protest. This year she discovered the passionate freedom fighter hidden within, and she now leads her assembly in marches to the Plaza de Mayo, chanting ?que se vayan todos? and waving her banner without fear or hesitation.

Carolyn Sattin graduated from Duke University in 2002 with a degree in Public Policy and Women?s Studies. She has been living in Buenos Aires since September working with the neighborhood assembly movement on a research grant from Duke. She can be reached at csattin@hotmail.com.